Das Buch ist den vier ältesten illustrierten und mit Kommentarkatenen versehenen Hss. des Buches Hiob gewidmet, die zwischen dem 9. und dem 11. Jh. entstanden sind: Patmos, Johanneskloster, Cod. 171 (nachfolgend Patm.); Rom, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. gr. 749 (Vat.); Sinai, Katharinenkloster, Cod. 3 (Sin.); Venedig, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Cod. gr. 538 (Ven.). Insgesamt sind 15 illustrierte griechische Katenenhss. allein des Buches Hiob erhalten (siehe die Übersicht p. 9–11). Das in ihnen enthaltene Bildmaterial zu Hiob (...) wird ergänzt durch Illustrationen in weiteren Mss. unterschiedlichen Textinhalts (p. 11–14). Während seitens der Textkritik fundamentale Arbeit zur wissenschaftlichen Erschließung des griechischen Hiob-Textes und seiner Kommentare geleistet wurde, stellt das Buch von Bernabò (B.) die erste nennenswerte Publikation mit primär kunstwissenschaftlicher Ausrichtung dar. Rund 2000 (p. VII), überwiegend noch unpublizierte, byzantinische Miniaturen zum Buch Hiob sind überkommen, was erahnen läßt, welcher Schatz auf diesem Gebiet zukünftig noch zu heben ist. Ursprünglich war eine komplette Publikation der bebilderten Hiob-Mss. im Rahmen des Corpus of the Illustrations in the Manuscripts of the Septuagint der Universität Princeton geplant – ein Projekt, das vor allem wegen seines erheblichen Umfangs nicht hat realisiert werden können. Kurt Weitzmann hatte bis zu seinem Tod im Jahre 1993 Bildmaterial in großem Umfang zusammengetragen. Dieses konnte B. nicht nur für sein Buch verwenden, sondern löste mit selbigem gleichzeitig das seinem Lehrer noch zu Lebzeiten gegebene Versprechen ein, das gemeinsam begonnene Projekt nach dessen Tod fortzuführen (p. X–XI). Im Aufbau, wenngleich nicht in Seitenumfang und Buchformat, richtet sich die vorliegende Publikation nach den bereits er-schienenen Bänden des Princetoner Corpus. (shrink)

This article studies an illuminated manuscript of St. Augustine’s Enarrationes in Psalmos: Vat. lat. 451 (Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana). The manuscript was commissioned by the bishop Giovanni Capogallo, when he was in Lombardy in close contact with the court of the duke Gian Galeazzo Visconti. The article examines the cultural milieu of Pavia in the early 15th century, highlighting the role of the Order of the Hermits of Saint Augustine in the monastery of San Pietro (...) in Ciel d’Oro. The two incipit pages ff. 1r and 239r, illuminated by Michelino da Besozzo, are an example of the International Gothic style and this article analyses not only their stylistic aspect, but also their allegorical meaning, as an interesting case of decoration of a patristic text. (shrink)

Primera edición moderna del Compendio de la Ética nicomaquea (BETA texid 1294), editado sobre la base del manuscrito K.II.13 de la Real Biblioteca de El Escorial (siglo XV). Sus lagunas y discontinuidades se han suplido en la medida de lo posible con los otros testimonios conocidos: Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó, Ripoll 161; Cambridge University, add. 8275; Madrid, Universidad Complutense, Biblioteca Histórica Marqués de Valdecilla, 152; Madrid, BNE MSS/4514, XV3; Madrid, BNE, MSS/6710; Madrid, BNE, MSS/7076; Madrid, BNE, (...) MSS/1204; Oxford University, Bodleian Library, Span.d.1; y Roma, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Ottoboniano Latino 2054. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Le prime quattro Collationes Parisienses sulle tracce di Giovanni Duns ScotoFrancesco Fiorentino (bio)Come si è visto altrove, l'attribuzione delle Collationes è abbastanza dubbia, propriamente parlando: questa opera non può essere ricondotta a Giovanni Duns Scoto in quanto autore secondo i concetti moderni di proprietà intellettuale e di responsabilità privata, che non risultano pertinenti ai processi materiali di produzione del libro tardo-medievale in quanto opera collettiva, fondata sulla co-autorialità distribuita (...) tra maestro in quanto ideatore e apprendista in quanto compilatore. Questa impossibilità consegue al genere letterario delle Collationes in quanto esercitazioni baccellierali o studentesche, sotto la supervisione di un magister studentium.1 I contemporanei a Scoto non rispettavano i criteri filologici del Terzo Millennio al punto da includere, nel corpus scotiano, il primo libro del commento sentenziario di Enrico di Harclay secondo la redazione del ms. Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 13687.2Tuttavia, la considerazione di questi fattori materiali non svaluta né le Collationes che attestano l'esistenza di un ambiente culturale, prossimo a Scoto, né lo stesso Scoto che ha probabilmente partecipato alle Collationes come moderatore o come interlocutore.3 Questa particolare natura delle Collationes ne condiziona l'attribuzione che non può essere associata con la ricerca dell'autore in senso stretto, ma con la considerazione di un plesso di opinioni concorrenti e risalenti all'insegnamento [End Page 115] di Scoto, non sempre in prima scena.4 Scoto, in cinque luoghi testuali dell'Ordinatio, si riferisce apertamente alle Collationes che sono incluse in un discreto numero di testimoni manoscritti del trecento e del quattrocento che tramandano opere sicuramente scotiane, e nella Tabula Scoti redatta da Giacomo d'Ascoli. Guglielmo di Alnwick si dichiara reportator di una collatio, presumibilmente di Parigi, sulla connessione delle virtù morali.5Queste evidenze consentono d'inserire le Collationes nel corpus scotiano, secondo un grado di autenticità significativo, ma non perfettamente conforme ai criteri filologici attuali. Ciò non significa de virtute sermonis che le Collationes sono di Scoto o che non sono di Scoto, ma, più precisamente, che le Collationes non possono essere attribuite a Scoto secondo i criteri filologici attuali, pur avendo avuto buona probabilità di essere attribuite a Scoto dai suoi contemporanei secondo i loro specifici criteri filologici. Infatti è la cornice che dà significato al quadro, è l'orizzonte che dà senso al paesaggio, è la forma che fa la sostanza. Queste ultime annotazioni apparentemente erudite potrebbero risultare scomode per un eventuale progetto di edizione critica che volesse sostenere una stretta autorialità scotiana delle Collationes. Sarebbe più saggio mantenere l'anonimato dell'opera nel rispetto del rigore scientifico sperimentale.A seconda del luogo in cui queste conferenze sono state svolte, ossia Parigi o Oxford, le Collationes sono state distinte in Parisienses e Oxonienses. Queste ultime sono state edite da Marina Fedeli e Guido Alliney.6 Alliney e Fedeli hanno messo in luce la natura, la tradizione, la datazione, l'attribuzione e i contenuti storico-dottrinali di tutte le Collationes, incluse quelle di Parigi.Le Collationes Parisienses sono conservate in sette testimoni manoscritti già descritti da Carlo Balic, Guido Alliney, Marina Fedeli e Franz Pelster7: [End Page 116]Cambridge, Peterhouse College, MS 241, fols. 1r–45r;London, British Library, Add MS 7696, fols. 2r–38v;Cittá Vaticana, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 876, fols. 311r–323v;Oxford, Balliol College, MS 209, fols. 114r–141v;Oxford, Magdalen College, MS 194, fols. 2v–20v;Oxford, Merton College, MS 65, fols. 90r–109v;Oxford, Merton College, MS 90, fols. 155r–199VQuesti testimoni sembrano essere distribuiti in due redazioni distinte: l'una completa e l'altra incompleta. La prima appare tramandata dai primi due testimoni, entrambi risalenti al secolo XV, mentre la seconda redazione si trova negli altri testimoni di cui solo il ms. Vat. lat. 876 data al secolo XIV. A questi testimoni occorre aggiungere altri due: il ms. Cittá Vaticana, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 890, fols. 4v–5v che contiene solo un estratto, e il ms. Barcelona, Arxiu de la Corona d'Aragó, ms. Ripoll 95, ff. 35r–37r che custodisce solo la prima collatio di Parigi.8Le Collationes Parisienses si dividono almeno in quattro gruppi: il primo gruppo, dalla prima alla quarta collatio, verte sulle virtù morali... (shrink)

Celem artykułu jest analiza mobilności Antonia Santa Crocego – tytularnego arcybiskupa Seleucji i nuncjusza apostolskiego w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów w latach 1627–1630. Autorzy odtworzyli podróż dyplomaty papieskiego z Rzymu do Rzeczypospolitej odbytą w 1627 r., podróż powrotną nad Tyber z 1630 r. oraz dwa wojaże po Polsce – miesięczny wyjazd do Prus z 1627 r., podjęty w związku z trwającą wojną o ujście Wisły oraz polsko-szwedzkimi rokowaniami prowadzonymi przy udziale mediatorów niderlandzkich, a także – dwumiesięczny objazd Mazowsza, będący w rzeczywistości (...) ucieczką przed zarazą, jaka w drugiej połowie 1629 r. nawiedziła ziemie Korony. Podstawą opracowania jest korespondencja Santa Crocego z Sekretariatem Stanu Stolicy Apostolskiej, nad którym pieczę sprawował kardynał nepot Francesco Barberini. Wspomniana korespondencja przechowywana jest w Archivio Apostolico Vaticano oraz w Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Znaczna jej część została wydana w serii Acta Nuntiaturae Polonae (t. XXIII, vol. 1–2). Interesującym źródłem o charakterze uzupełniającym jest _Diario di Roma (1608–1644) _autorstwa Giacinto Gigliego, w którym pamiętnikarz uwiecznił wjazd Santa Crocego do Wiecznego Miasta latem 1630 r. Ponadto autorzy wykorzystali literaturę przedmiotu poświęconą zagadnieniu podróży przedstawicieli papieskich, m.in. prace ks. Henryka Damiana Wojtyski, Teresy Chynczewskiej-Hennel czy Tadeusza Fitycha. Autorzy dokonali analizy rękopiśmiennych materiałów źródłowych pod kątem mobilności nuncjusza Santa Crocego, dzięki czemu udało się uzupełnić jego itinerarium. W publikacji zwrócono uwagę na opisy odwiedzanych przez niego miejsc oraz personalia osób, z którymi przedstawiciel papieski spotykał się podczas swych wojaży. Zarysowano również pewne wątki, które będą kontynuowane w przyszłych badaniach, a dotyczą sfery organizacyjnej nuncjatury w czasie, gdy przedstawiciel papieski przebywał poza dworem. Artykuł może stanowić cenne uzupełnienie do badań nad podróżami w czasach nowożytnych, jak również przyczynek do zagadnienia związanego z mobilnością dyplomatów w czasie realizowania ich misji. (shrink)

The mathematical scenario in Italy during the Late Middle Ages and the Renaissance is mainly dominated by the treatises on the abacus, which developed together with the abacus schools. In that context, between approximately the last thirty years of the fourteenth century and the first twenty years of the sixteenth century, the manuscript and printed tradition tell us of queries and challenges, barely known or totally unknown, in which the protagonists were abacus masters. We report in this work on the (...) most significant examples and draw out interesting cues for thoughts and remarks of a scientific, historical and biographical nature. Five treatises, written in the fifteenth and sixteenth century, have been the main source of inspiration for this article: the Trattato di praticha d’arismetricha and the Tractato di praticha di geometria included in the codices Palat. 573 and Palat. 577 (c. 1460) kept in the Biblioteca Nazionale of Florence and written by an anonymous Florentine disciple of the abacist Domenico di Agostino Vaiaio; another Trattato di praticha d’arismetrica written by Benedetto di Antonio da Firenze in 1463 and included in the codex L.IV.21 kept in the Biblioteca Comunale of Siena; the Tractatus mathematicus ad discipulos perusinos written by Luca Pacioli between 1477 and 1480, manuscript Vat. Lat. 3129 of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana; and Francesco Galigai’s Summa de arithmetica, published in Florence in 1521. (shrink)

1. [without special title] -- 2. Riproduzione anastatica del Ms Barb. Lat. 4458 della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:During my stint as a visiting scholar at St. Bonaventure University, I stumbled on two very interesting manuscripts that are not as well known as they deserve to be. I would like to make these two 'pebbles' more accessible to other scholars and to anyone who desires to approach this valuable material, which is preserved in the Friedsam Memorial Library.The First Manuscript: A "Handbook" for the Observant FriarsAt St. (...) Bonaventure University, I was working on the sources concerning John of Capistrano's polemics against the Jews and the Turks. To this purpose, I scanned the Ottokar Bonmann Archive at St. Bonaventure for letters, sermons, and treatises. At the same time I was working on the critical edition of Capistrano's La dichiarazione in volgare sulla Regola di san Francesco, which amounts to a vernacular explanation and interpretation of the Rule of St. Francis. It is one of the first vernacular texts of its kind, providing, in a few simple words, an explanation of the meaning of Franciscan spirituality. As its author is one of the "four columns" of the Observant family, it can, in fact, be understood as a vademecum for the Observants. My first impressions in this direction were confirmed and reinforced by looking at the manuscript Holy Name College, cod. 35, which is now preserved in the Friedsam Memorial Library of St. Bonaventure University .Chiappini lists three manuscripts containing La dichiarazione:1. L'Aquila, Archivio di Stato, cod. S.73, ff. 461b - 469b 2. Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, cod. XII.G.5 n. 23. Rome, Biblioteca Vallicelliana, cod. B.131, ff. 53r-66vBonmann found six other manuscripts:1. Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana , Vat. lat. 13100, ff. 80r-94v2. Rome, Biblioteca S. Isidoro 1/68, ff. 244r-254v3. Rome, Biblioteca S. Isidoro 1/85, ff. 10r-24r4. Washington DC, Library Holy Name College, cod. 355. Zara, Biblioteca Paravia, cod. 1552, ff. 3v-13v6. Private collection of Giovanni PansaSince I have not yet been able to see the last two manuscripts , some questions remain concerning their actual contents. When we consider the Zara manuscript, for example, we notice that Chiappini claims it to contain on folios 3v-13v the Expositione della Clementina de Clemente V, sopra la regula de li frati minori, traslata ad litteram de latino in vulgare per lo venerabile frate Iohanni de Capestrano . Based on the similarity of subject matter and the use of the vernacular language, Bonmann inferred that this text included Capistrano's dichiarazione. The circumstances surrounding the manuscript in Giovanni Pansa's private collection present us with a real detective story. This Italian bibliofile described the manuscript for the first time in 1887, when it resided in a library in Sulmona. Pansa subsequently bought the manuscript and sold it in Rome before 1925 to the antiquarian bookstore of Ermanno Loescher & Company. Since then, the manuscript has disappeared without leaving any trace. All details concerning this story can be found in the work of Chiappini, who wrote that the manuscript contains the Postilla in clementina "Exivi" super Regulam fratrum minorum per sanctum Ioannem de Capestrano. This might be the same Postilla as that found in MS. 20 of the Capestrano library. Based on all this, I believe that Bonmann misunderstood Chiappini's reference.Thus far I have found one manuscript not mentioned by Chiappini or Bonmann, namely MS Roma, Biblioteca S. Isidoro, 1/87, ff. 66ss. Hence there are now either ten or perhaps only eight manuscripts available for the creation of a critical edition . One of these, as I have indicated above, is manuscript Holy Name College, cod. 35, currently kept in the Friedsam Memorial Library of St. Bonaventure University. As I had the opportunity to study this manuscript, I can provide a more precise description of its codicological properties and contents. (shrink)

Il prelievo della Biblioteca Palatina fu, nel 1623, ad un secolo circa dall'inizio della Riforma, l'atto non solo simbolico con cui si cercò di vulnerare alla radice la cultura protestante asportando la Biblioteca di Heidelberg, vanto dell'intellettualità riformata e stimata superiore perfino alla Vaticana. In una lettera del 14 luglio 1608 a Janus Gruter, bibliotecario della Palatina, Scaligero era molto esplicito nella comparazione tra le due biblioteche, simbolo delle rispettive confessioni: «Indicem bibliothecae vestrae legi. Locupletior est, et (...) meliorum librorum quam Vaticana» (Lib. VI, Ep. 434). La concreta operazione di prelievo e trasporto dei libri fino a Roma, via Monaco, affidata a Leone Allacci, andò incontro ad una serie di difficoltà, a cominciare dalla imprevista totale indisponibilità di mezzi di trasporto: i «carri» di cui ampiamente si parla nel documento che qui di seguito pubblichiamo. Che fosse così arduo reperirli, ovvero trovare qualcuno che li mettesse a disposizione, era in realtà solo un aspetto - e certo non irrilevante - della più generale ostilità che circondò l'operazione. Ostilità che Allacci stesso bene avverte («Quando passo [per le strade] - scrive - li sento sospirare e dolere intrinsecamente, se bene all'esteriore bisogna che stiano savij»), e che sarà sedata solo dal deciso intervento del conte di Tilly (su di lui ved. oltre), intervenuto direttamente a Heidelberg il 14 gennaio 1623, al fine appunto di sbloccare la situazione. Ma veniamo al documento ed alla sua esemplare vicenda. (shrink)

Giovanni Mercati, nella monografia sugli scritti e i codici d'Isidoro di Kiev, notava, nel Vat. gr. 138, manoscritto del sec. XI con le Vite di Plutarco, la presenza ripetuta di un titolo bilingue: «πλουτάϱχου παϱάλληλα/ plutarchi parallila». L'osservazione gli dava spunto per rilevare la comparsa di titoli bilingui in una serie di altri codici greci Vaticani (Vat. gr. 30, 81, 87, 191, 226, 1324, 1335, 2176, Urb. gr. 123), nonché in due latini (Vat. lat. 947 e Chis. H VI 179) (...) e in un Laurenziano (plut. 28, 13). A questo elenco lo stesso Mercati aggiungeva in seguito un altro codice della Vaticana, l'Urb. gr. 124. Le caratteristiche grafiche e ortografiche di questi titoli lo inducevano a postulare «la provenienza o l'esame di quei codici da parte di un solo individuo», e in particolare a riconoscervi uno studioso greco. (shrink)

Written in the 12th century in Arabic by a faithful Jewish man, "The Guide" is a work that explores the contradiction a very intelligent mind clearly saw between the tradition he was raised to believe inherently and the growing philosophy of Arabian and Western culture. In Maimonides' time, there was an emerging disparity between the Law and a new level of philosophical sophistication, which he attempts to bridge in this work, primarily through the use of metaphor, though also acknowledging this (...) method's limitations. "The Guide" follows the form of a three-volume letter to a student, which was quickly translated to Hebrew and spread throughout the known world and carefully read by Jews and non-Jewish philosophers alike well through the Middle Ages. This work was so successful in its organization and arguments that it has long been a classic of the Jewish religion and of the secular world of philosophy. (shrink)

Este trabajo se ocupa de una interpolación textual transmitida por sólo dos manuscritos altomedievales en el capítulo que Isidoro de Sevilla dedica al libro de Job en sus Prooemia: Città del Vaticano, Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana Vat. Barberini 505 y Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek Cod. Augiensis Perg. 229. A partir de la transcripción del texto de ambos manuscritos y de la identificación su fuente (un pasaje de los Moralia in Iob de Gregorio Magno), ofrece una reflexión acerca de la semejanza (...) entre los procedimientos exegéticos de Gregorio e Isidoro como elemento que pudo motivar la redacción interpolada del capítulo. (shrink)

The following Addenda and some Corrigenda were derived for the most part from manuscripts examined in the summer of 1964 and in the spring and summer of 1965, 1967 at Bologna University ; London, British Museum ; Munich, Bayerische Staats-Bibliothek, Codex Latinus Monacensis ; Orlèans; Oxford, the Bodleian ; and Merton College ; Paris, Bibliotheque nationale , and University ; Tours; Vatican, Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana ; and Vienna, National-Bibliothek . A number are noted from other sources, namely Silvestre (...) , Wickersheimer , et alia. They supplement the late Lynn Thorndike's “Additional Addenda et Corrigenda” in Speculum , and are here offered for the convenience of users of the Catalogue of Incipits. jQuery.click { event.preventDefault(); }). (shrink)

The history of the Qurʾānic text begins with the time of its revelation. The research on Qurʾānic manuscripts is one of the main fields of textual studies of the Qurʾān. There have been many works done by both Muslim and Western scholars. Many museums and libraries around the world hold Qurʾān manuscripts. Each manuscript has its own characteristics such as orthography, calligraphy, decoration, and binding, number of the pages and the lines, and dating. This article deals with 110 Qurʾān manuscripts (...) found in the Vatican Library (Biblioteca Apostalica Vaticana) at the Vaticani arabi, Borgiani arabi,Barberiniani orientaliand RossianiCollections. The dates of these Qurʾān manuscripts vary from I/VII(?) and XIII/XIX centuries. The article aims to identify the features of Qurʾānic writing by studying chronologically some basic physical-content descriptions and characteristics of these manuscripts. It also examines the different names of the sūrahs and the knowledge on Meccan or Medinan sūrahs presented on the sūrah headings of manuscripts. Summary: Each Qurʾān manuscript has its own characteristics. These features present significant insights into the field of history of Qurʾānic text. A manuscript becomes a source for the history of writing muṣḥafin terms of physical and content features such as calligraphy, ink colors, binding, and explanations found in katabapage, the sūrah headings which contain the names of sūrahs, Meccan-Medinan knowledge, the numbers of āyahs, and the signs for juzʾ, ʿashr, and ḥizb. The research on the names of sūrahs, Meccan-Medinan knowledge, and the number of āyahs contributes to the ʿulūm al-Qurʾānstudies as well. This article examines 110 Qurʾān manuscripts located in the Vatican Library in the Vaticani arabi(73 MSS), Borgiani arabi (25 MSS),Barberiniani orientali(11 MSS), and Rossiani(2 MSS) Collections. Each manuscript is individually studied. However, due to the limitation of the article, I include only some basic and significant physical and content features of these manuscripts. The catalogues prepared by Giorgio Levi della Vida (1886-1967) and Carlo Alberto Anzuini are consulted for this study. I also study the sūrah headings in Qurʾān manuscripts which contain the names of sūrahs and Meccan-Medinan knowledge. The most used calligraphy types of these manuscripts coming from different geographies are maghribī(19 MSS) and nasikh-Ottoman (66 MSS). The basic features of maghribīMSS as follows: The text is written dark brown, vowel signs in dark red, shaddaand jazmin blue, and hamzain orange ink (VI-VII/XII-XIII centuries). The āyah endings are in circle form and decorated (VI-VII/XII-XIII centuries). The same characteristics can be seen in the next centuries (VIII/XIV and IX/XV centuries). The word sajdais written in the same line with the sajdaayah in Borg. Ar. 51 (VI-VII/XII-XIII centuries). The main characteristics of nasikh-Ottoman MSS as follows: Vat. Ar. 195 (IX/XV century) includes the āyah endings in two different figures: Three dots in triangle-shaped in red ink or in inverse comma-formed. The numbers of the āyahs are not written in this manuscript. On the other hand, the earlier features of the present muṣḥafs found in this manuscript as follows: Waqfsigns are in red ink; the word sajdais written in the same line with the sajdaāyah in black ink. The word ḥizbis in the margin of the pages. The sūrah headings hold the name of the sūrah, Meccan-Medinan knowledge, and the numbers of āyahs. The taʿqībaword is at the end of the pages. Among these manuscripts, Barb. Or. 72 (X/XVI century) contains, for the first time, the prayer text after the reading the whole Qurʾān (khatm) at the end of the muṣḥaf. This manuscript has different explanations for the Meccan and Medinan knowledge. It uses “ نزلت بمكة ” for “ مكية ”, and “ نزلت بالمدينة ” for “ مدنية ”. The figures of juzʾare written in numerical form in Borg. Ar. 184 (XI/XVII century). The divisions such as “ ربع حزب, نصف حزب ” can be seen in the manuscripts in XII/XVIIIcenturies. The names of the sūrah in the sūrah headings can be different from their widely-known names. The 39 sūrahs have different names among the manuscripts examined in this article. The names of sūrahs which cannot be found in the relevant classical source as follows: al-Khalīlfor Sūrah Ibrāhīm; al-kharīrfor Sūrah al-Sajda; al-sayyāḥūnfor Sūrah Sabaʾ;jādalafor Sūrah Mucādala; al-ʿishārfor Sūrah al-Takwīr;wa’l-layli idhāyaghshāfor Sūrah al-Shams;lumazafor Sūrah al-Humaza; miskīnfor Sūrah al-Māʿūn;asrāfor Sūrah al-Isrāʾ;al-maqābirand al-qabrfor Sūrah al-Takāthur; salāsilāfor Sūrah al-Insān; al-abrārfor Sūrah al-Muṭaffifīn. The sūrah headings indicate the knowledge of Meccan-Medinan classification of the sūrahs. Each manuscript does not have this feature. However, the manuscripts have this feature may not include this knowledge for each sūrah headings. The disagreements about the Meccan or Medinan sūrahs in theʿulūm al-Qurʾānliterature can be seen in the manuscripts studied in this article. The manuscripts which have this knowledge present that the 47 sūrahs recorded only as Meccan, but the remaining ones both Meccan and Medinan. These manuscripts do not record a sūrah only as Medinan. There are manuscripts which present more detailed knowledge on Meccan-Medinan. Vat. Ar. 1484 (IX/XV century) mentions not only whether a sūrah is Meccan or Medinan but also the exceptional verses if the sūrah has. For instance, the heading of Sūrah al-Anʿām reads that: “ سورة الانعام نزلت جملة واحدة بمكة الا ثلث ايات انزلت بالمدينة قوله قل تعالوا أتل ما حرم ربكم عليكم لعلكم تتقون ”. Among the sūrah headings which have this feature are al-Naḥl, al-Ḥajj, al-Shuʿarāʾ, Luqmān, al-Sajda, and al-Zumar. Vat. Ar. 1588 mentions only the numbers of exceptional verses. For example, the heading of Sūrah al-Isrāʾsays that “ مكية و قيل مدنية غير ثلث ايات ”. Vat. Ar. 1597 contains details about the numbers of ayahs, words, and letters in the sūrah headings. For instance, for Sūrah al-Nisāʾ, it reads that “ اياتها ق ع اختلافها ب كلماتهاغج ذ م ه حروفها غيول ”. The Arabic letters in this explanation has a numerical value (abjad). According to this the number of āyahs is 170, the number of debated ones in merging with the previous and next verses is 2, the number of words 3.745, and the number of letters is 16.030. There are corrections on the pages of the manuscripts. These corrections may be done through the writing process or during the check reading (muqabala) at the end of the writing. The writing of the text by heart and by looking to the other copy, and the similarities may cause these kinds of errors for the scribe. Studying on Qurʾān manuscripts reveals the different features of the writing of a muṣḥaf. Even though the numbers of the graduate studies gradually increase in Turkey, there is no a PhD dissertation which analyzes a Qurʾān manuscript, and only one M.A. thesis has been recently completed. Therefore, establishing graduate courses on Qurʾān manuscripts in the field of Islamic studies will strengthen the Qurʾānic and tafsīrstudies. (shrink)

This paper comprises two parts. The first part is an introduction to Auriol’s moderate conceptualism, as it is presented in his Commentary on Book II of the Sentences, distinction 9, question 2, article 1. The second part is an edition of the text. In the introduction, I focus on Auriol’s use of the noetic tool of connotation. My thesis, in particular, is that connotation is a necessary prerequisite to his moderate conceptu- alism. To this purpose, the first part of this (...) introduction will be devoted to a brief presentation of Auriol’s conceptualism. In the second part, Auriol’s theory of essential predication will be presented. In the third part, I will present my claim that Auriol’s theory of essential predication can only be made sense of when read against the background of his theory of connotation as applied to intellectual cognition. Finally, I will offer a collation of Auriol’s Commentary on Book II of the Sentences, dis- tinction 9, question 2, article 1, obtained by collating eight manuscripts, which hand down Auriol’s text, that is, Firenze, Biblioteca nazionale centrale, ms. Conv. Soppr. B.6.121, Firenze, ms. Conv. Soppr. A. 3.120, Napoli, Biblioteca nazionale, ms. VII.C.3, Padova, Biblioteca Antoniana, ms. 161, scaff. ix, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms. latin 15867; Pelplin, Biblioteka Seminarium duchownego, ms. 46/85, Vaticano (Città del), Biblioteca Apostolica, ms. Borgiano 404, Vaticano (Città del), Biblioteca Apostolica, ms. Vat. lat. 942. (shrink)